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Chi ha vinto e chi ha perso nel braccio di ferro sullo shutdown

Res publica   17.10.13  

The Week analizza lo scontro tra democratici e repubblicani sul nodo dell'indebitamento che ha portato all'accordo per fermare lo shutdown. Se indicare il Tea Party come lo sconfitto di questa battaglia politica appare scontato, più difficile è stabilire chi abbia vinto la guerra.

Few would argue that anybody came out a "winner" after the disaster known as the government shutdown. The polls show that Americans are pretty much tired of everybody in Washington, and nobody sounded all that triumphant when it was over.

"There are no winners here," said White House Press Secretary Jay Carney after Senate leaders reached a deal to fund the government until Jan. 15 and extend the debt ceiling to Feb. 7. The House and the Senate are expected to pass the deal later tonight, ending our two-week-long national nightmare.

Still, some people were hurt more badly by the shutdown than others, which could have serious consequences in the world of politics -- not to mention future budget battles.

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Declino e caduta del Tea Party

Res publica   09.01.13  

Nel 2010 un sondaggio di Rasmussen rilevava che il 24% degli elettori si identificava con il Tea Party, il movimento populista di destra interno al Partito Repubblicano. Oggi quella cifra è scesa all'8%.

As the Tea Party peaked, I told NPR's Guy Raz that the protest movement was a 2010 phenomenon, and would fade unless its membership supplemented its presence in the streets with a clearer idea of the policy changes it sought. Ensuing months offered evidence that I was right. The Tea Party could never square its demands for smaller government with the desire of its membership to hold Social Security and especially Medicare sacrosanct. Its electoral wing failed to put forth any viable candidates in the 2012 primaries and was scarcely mentioned at the RNC. But even I'm surprised by the decline in support that Rasmussen is reporting based on a recent telephone survey of voters. Back in 2010, the polling organization found that 24 percent of voters identified as Tea Party members. In its most recent poll, only 8 percent of voters identify with the Tea Party and just 30 percent of voters have a favorable opinion of it.

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Come Paul Ryan ha conquistato il GOP

Res publica   13.08.12  

Il candidato repubblicano alla vicepresidenza, l'ultraconservatore deputato del Wisconsin Paul Ryan, raccontato dal New Yorker.

Ryan won his seat in 1998, at the age of twenty-eight. Like many young conservatives, he is embarrassed by the Bush years. At the time, as a junior member with little clout, Ryan was a reliable Republican vote for policies that were key in causing enormous federal budget deficits: sweeping tax cuts, a costly prescription-drug entitlement for Medicare, two wars, the multibillion-dollar bank-bailout legislation known as TARP. In all, five trillion dollars was added to the national debt. In 2006 and 2008, many of Ryan's older Republican colleagues were thrown out of office as a result of lobbying scandals and overspending. Ryan told me recently that, as a fiscal conservative, he was "miserable during the last majority" and is determined "to do everything I can to make sure I don't feel that misery again."

In 2009, Ryan was striving to reintroduce himself as someone true to his ideological roots and capable of reversing his party's reputation for fiscal profligacy. A generation of Republican leaders was gone. Ryan had already jumped ahead of more senior colleagues to become the top Republican on the House Budget Committee, and it was his job to pick apart Obama's tax and spending plans. At the table in his office, Ryan pointed out the gimmicks that Presidents use to hide costs and conceal policy details. He deconstructed Obama's early health-care proposal and attacked his climate-change plan. Obama's budget "makes our tax code much less competitive," he said, as if reading from a script. "It makes it harder for businesses to survive in the global economy, for people to save for their own retirement, and it grows our debt tremendously." He added, "It just takes the poor trajectory our country's fiscal state is on and exacerbates it."

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Santorum si è arreso a Gettysburg

Res publica   10.04.12  

L'abbandono di Rick Santorum spiana la strada alla nomination di Mitt Romney.
Termina la miglior corsa di un candidato repubblicano totalmente improbabile sin dai tempi della campagna di Steve Forbes nel 1996.

All'inizio delle primarie presidenziali in pochi avrebbero scommesso che un senatore con un budget ridotto e uscito perdente dalla sua ultima campagna elettorale con un distacco di 18 punti, perdendo oltre 700.000 voti, sarebbe riuscito a imporsi in 11 caucus.

On the night he lost the Illinois primary, former Pennsylvania senator Rick Santorum vowed to fight on, not from the Land of Lincoln but from Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.

Three weeks later, Gettysburg is where Santorum chose to end his presidential campaign.

The choice to stage two major events in Gettysburg shows how Santorum would like his campaign to be seen: not as another longshot presidential bid but as an important part of world history.

"What I tried to bring to the battle was what Abraham Lincoln brought to this battlefield back in 1863," Santorum said in his concession speech, "when he talked about this country being conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal."

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Vincitori e sconfitti nel Super Tuesday

Res publica   07.03.12  

L'analisi politica di The Fix sulla vittoria/non vittoria di Mitt Romney alle primarie repubblicane e sul suo deludente appeal elettorale.

The Republican presidential primary campaign's busiest night - 10 states voted in all - turned more into a marathon than a sprint as the Ohio primary wasn’t called for former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney until early Wednesday morning.

After a (short) night's sleep to think on what we witnessed, we came up with a handful of winners and losers from the night that was.

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